© Tevita Motulalo
REAMS of sensitive US diplomatic materials have been blown wide open by Wikileaks, revealing the inner workings of US foreign policy, and how the US works to advance its own interests globally. Similarly, as far back as 2003, a leaked cable sent by a retiring New Zealand High Commissioner to Tonga, Brian Smythe, to then Foreign Minister Phil Goff, was published by the New Zealand Herald.
The cable gives remarkable insight in to how New Zealand views the Kingdom of Tonga, as well as New Zealand’s objectives for the country.
It reports that the democracy movement in Tonga wanted to be “crushed” by the King, Taufa‘ahau Tupou IV, which they hoped would allow for New Zealand intervention.However, New Zealand must not to be “seen” to be interfering.
The report acknowledges that, when New Zealand speaks of the “need” for democratisation, the people “rally in defence of the monarchy.”
His Excellency High Commissioner Smythe also reports that if the King is not careful with meddling with the amount of time and money the Tongans devote to “churches” and “funerals”, “he might bring about his own overthrow.”
The High Commissioner also shows concerns over China in Tonga, as according to Smythe the highly patriotic Tonga military are just “defence of the monarchy” and not “defence of the kingdom” even though “New Zealand effectively set up the Tonga Defence Service and remain closely associated with it. [...] The problem is that getting out would make things even worse. Not only would it harden attitudes but it would give China an opportunity to step in,” it states.
“Tonga - and in particular the royal family - are still enamoured with their new-found friend China. [...] An expanding economic and political relationship is one thing, miliary [sic] another. The growing influence of China in the islands to our north may at some stage come to make us feel uncomfortable,” the cable states.
Smythe also states that “fortunately” the King’s Ministers do not listen to the King, “and humour him rather than take his initiatives too seriously.”
Smythe reported that increases in social problems such as “traffic accidents”, means that “the only long-term solution is the creation of a society where people have a say in their own future and can work for their own betterment.”
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Excerpt from cable sent by New Zealand High Commissioner to Tonga, Brian Smythe, to then Foreign Minister Phil Goff (as published by the New Zealand Herald in 2003)
Dear Minister,
The official slogan here is “Tonga: the land where time begins''. It might better read “the land where time stands still.”
There is no sense of urgency. Over the past 12 months, despite talk of the need for reform of the public sector and the economy, little of substance has been done.
Many ministers seem blithely unaware of the economic imperatives.
On the political front, as ever, the situation remains frozen pending the passing away of the King. He seems as healthy as ever.
The royal family are very cultured and intelligent. They know New Zealand well. They are generous, considerate, indeed perfect hosts. It is a pleasure to spend time in their company and partake of their champagne and caviar.
Tongans are extremely proud of their culture and independence. They do not like others telling them how they should change. When we talk of the need for democratisation, they rally in defence of their monarchy.
Their system helps define their national identity. The Tongan culture is a great strength but at the same time an impediment to progress. For it to be otherwise would require great statesmanship at the top.
Even New Zealand Tongans who initially impress as being of independent mind fall into the mould on return here. Some whom we have included on audiences with the King have surprised by suddenly reverting to type and grovelling at his feet. It is as if the conditioning is more powerful than their own free will.
From a socialist perspective, the system is anathema. It involves redistribution from the poor to the rich. The poor are under a heavy obligation to contribute, in particular through the provision of food for frequent feasts, to the nobles of the estates from whom they lease their land and through their noble to the King.
The members of the royal family receive much more than they can possibly consume and they redistribute the spoils to others among the privileged classes.
Crown Prince Tupouto'a may change things. He has little respect for the nobles, considering them on the whole a degenerate lot.
Privately he has told democracy advocates that he wishes to abolish the nobility. If the Crown Prince does accede, the nobles will seek to defend their privileged position.
[A pro-democracy contact] fears they may resort to fomenting violence, even while the King is still alive, in order to have the democracy movement crushed and their position consolidated.
He hopes that in such a situation, New Zealand might come to the assistance of the people.
The Crown Prince is not at heart a true democrat. He wants power and would prefer it undiluted. But he might be prepared to delegate some responsibility to those he considers competent.
He may have difficulty retaining respect. His impatience for change, in particular on the economic front, could lead him to tread on a number of sensitive toes.
He is dismissive of the abilities and beliefs of ordinary Tongans (though that is a characteristic shared by all of the royal family).
It is in regard to religion that the Crown Prince is most likely to encounter strife - his views are at total variance of those of most Tongans.
He is scathing at the amount of time, money and energy devoted to churches and to funerals. If he is not careful on this front, he might bring about his own overthrow.
The Army
The Tonga Defence Services see their primary role as defence of the kingdom (for which read defence of the monarchy). Some soldiers consider the democracy movement as the “enemy”.
This unreconstructed view of the world does not appear to have been diminished by contact with New Zealand forces under the mutual assistance programme. It is a real dilemma that we in New Zealand effectively set up the Tonga Defence Service and remain closely associated with it.
The problem is that getting out would make things even worse. Not only would it harden attitudes but it would give China an opportunity to step in.
An expanding economic and political relationship is one thing, miliary [sic] another. The growing influence of China in the islands to our north may at some stage come to make us feel uncomfortable, depending on how things evolve in China itself and between it and the United States.
Our forces could be encouraged to try and impart some values as well as technical skills to the Tongan soldiers they encounter. And we should continue to refrain from supplying weapons to the defence service, as urged by the democracy movement.
[Pro-democracy contact] believes that were it to come to the crunch the rank and file would refuse to obey an order to fire on a crowd. But weapons could easily fall into the hands of a few extremists determined to preserve the nobles' privileged position.
The democracy movement
There is uncertainty as to the future of the Human Rights and Democracy Movement. Elections two years ago saw their support wane as voters decided they had been ineffective in bringing about change.
Representatives have been very active in the Legislative Assembly in bringing to light abuses of power - such as the Minister of Police as chairman of the Tonga Electric Power Board awarding himself and other members huge pension rights; and the Crown Prince expropriating for himself the rights to the to internet domain.
The economy
Tonga is a remittance economy, receiving huge inflows from the Tongan diaspora. This is both a benefit and a disadvantage. It makes possible a standard of living far above that which those remaining in Tonga could otherwise hope to enjoy. But it is a disincentive to effort.
And it makes Tonga vulnerable to downturns overseas, particularly in the United States which is by far the largest source of remittances (New Zealand is third after Australia).
On one of the rare occasions when I have managed to get the King talking about Tonga - as you know he much prefers to concentrate on overseas history - I tried to convince him of the need to encourage growth of the private sector.
His response was firm: in Tonga it is too weak to be of value; the state must continue to expand in order to fill the gaps.
The King clearly wishes to keep making all decisions on big investments, however misguided, rather than let commercial interests make them independently.
He decides what new crops should be tested. He decides what roads or ships are required. Fortunately a number of his ministers now see things differently and humour him rather than take his initiatives too seriously.
It is the Crown Prince who now poses the greater problem. With Tonga's small economy, spending decisions by a smaller company can throw the economy off balance.
Foreign policy
Tonga - and in particular the royal family - are still enamoured with their new-found friend China. They expect big things from the relationship.
Whether the enthusiasm will last when Chinese influence in Tonga becomes more evident - for instance when the new Chinese managers effect changes at the Dateline Hotel - remains to be seen.
Public resentment at the rapid intrusion of Chinese immigrants into the retail sector seems to have diminished somewhat but could always resurface.
The Government tends to take old friends for granted. It leaves us to make most of the effort. While the Prime Minister and King both did make visits down to Wellington during my tour here, the first was basically a training run and the second was purely to follow up the King's interest in Antarctic grass for use in Mongolia.
(He is now planning a trip to Florida to tell Jeb Bush about Australian shark nets).
Tonga does not make much of an impact at the regional level. The Nauru Forum [Pacific Islands Forum] was the second where PM Lavaka kept his silence. But there are times when it chooses to stand aside from a regional consensus.
Social problems in Tonga are building - youth unemployment, drugs crime, suicide, traffic accidents, prostitution. We are trying to help through our aid programme in areas such as drug education and family violence, but the only long-term solution is the creation of a society where people have a say in their own future and can work for their own betterment.
That is difficult when they are under an obligation to give away their wealth whenever asked and they have no choice in their leaders.
The continuing revelations about high-level corruption can do little to inspire honest, hard-working behaviour.
One area where New Zealand could make a real contribution is in improving the quality of policing. There are reports of beatings and even torture by Tongan police and prison officers. The challenge for New Zealand is to be seen as supportive for change but not actually interfering.
Our bilateral aid programme has been comprehensively reviewed in a joint strategy study and over the next year we will be seeking to steer it in a direction of more consultation with community groups and more focus on the disadvantaged.
Our education assistance, which is already usefully encouraging more interaction and questioning in the classroom, will broaden out to assist also with technical and vocational training, so as to give hope for gainful employment to young people otherwise condemned to the sidelines.
Until the push for reform - constitutional/political as well as public sector and economic - gathers enough steam, there is little outsiders can do to really help.
The latter areas may get attention over the coming year, unless the reform effort is yet another false start.
New Zealand should help Tonga avoid an economic collapse; the commoners should not be made to pay for Government mismanagement; and we do not need even greater pressure for migration.
Yours sincerely,
Brian Smythe,
High Commissioner.
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